While Modern Orthodox Judaism was conceived to balance ancient traditions with today’s realities, it frequently appears to favor modern values over core Torah principles.
This imbalance becomes especially apparent in the community’s growing endorsement of women’s participation in combat roles within the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF). Such positions, once largely avoided on halachic grounds, now draw support from religious Zionist circles, raising questions about where adaptation ends and compromise begins.
This trend echoes the cautions of early 20th-century figures like Rabbi Abraham Isaac HaKohen Kook, who opposed women’s involvement in public life, including suffrage, viewing it as a potential disruption to family harmony and Jewish moral standards. In a similar vein, contemporary shifts in military service prompt concerns that broader societal forces are influencing halachic interpretations more than they should, often under the guise of “empowerment,” while potentially aligning with historical patterns of economic and social reconfiguration.
Halachic Foundations Under Strain
Traditional Torah sources establish firm guidelines on gender roles, particularly in areas of authority and conflict. For instance, the Rambam’s Mishneh Torah in Hilchot Melachim explicitly prohibits women from positions of serarah, or leadership, and extends this to warfare, supported by Talmudic discussions in Yevamot that highlight men’s natural role in conquest while exempting women to preserve modesty and domestic focus.
These principles have long provided exemptions for women in military duties, aligning with scriptural emphases like Psalms 45:14, which celebrates women’s strengths in more internal spheres. However, Modern Orthodox approaches are increasingly challenging these boundaries through adaptive rulings that prioritize inclusion, overlooking the amplified risks in combat environments.
Organizations such as Ohr Torah Stone in Efrat now offer spiritual and halachic guidance for female combat platoons, reflecting a shift in perspective among some leaders. Following the events of October 7, 2023, enlistment among religious women has notably increased, with many choosing service over traditional exemptions despite the inherent dangers, including the targeted vulnerabilities that day exposed.
Modernity’s Hidden Agendas
The expansion of women’s public roles connects to larger societal transformations that began in the early 20th century, when average U.S. income tax rates stood at just 5.7 percent. Over time, these burdens escalated significantly, reaching 33 percent by 2000 and maintaining high effective rates around that level in 2025, compounded by inflation acting as an unseen additional levy that disproportionately affects working families and erodes purchasing power.
As women entered the workforce in greater numbers, the taxable population effectively doubled, with U.S. participation rates rising from about 30 percent in 1950 to 60 percent by 2000. By 2025, overall female workforce involvement hovers around 57 percent, while for prime-age women, it climbs to 78.1 percent, often necessitating dual incomes amid wage stagnation and rising costs, which in turn pressures family structures.
This change also facilitated earlier institutional education for children, gradually shifting allegiances from family units to state systems. Divorce rates illustrate the result, jumping from 1.6 per 1,000 people in 1920 to highs of around 5 in the 1980s; current figures show 35 to 40 percent for first marriages and up to 60 percent for subsequent ones, contributing to broader family instability and a reconfiguration toward greater institutional dependency.
The rise in single-parent households further underscores this erosion, particularly in certain communities where out-of-wedlock birth rates have soared from 10 percent before the 1960s to over 70 percent today. Overall, nearly half of Black mothers in the U.S. are raising children alone based on 2024 data, highlighting how these shifts have reshaped societal structures, potentially serving wider agendas of economic oversight and demographic management.
Elite Influences on Family Structures
Powerful networks, operating through entities like the Council on Foreign Relations, have historically supported initiatives in population management and social engineering. In places like China, such policies have led to coercive measures affecting around 30 million women annually through forced interventions aimed at controlling demographics and altering traditional family bonds.
“Philanthropic” efforts have included funding for reproductive technologies, such as implants like Norplant, designed for long-term birth control and broader demographic engineering. Even environmental factors, including links between soy consumption and heightened risks of breast cancer or fertility issues, play into subtle influences on women’s health and roles in society, subtly advancing population control objectives.
These developments suggest that movements like suffrage and feminism, while promoting equality on the surface, may have been leveraged to enable greater economic oversight, workforce integration, and a reconfiguration of family dynamics toward increased dependence on centralized institutions rather than traditional bonds, turning apparent progress into tools for broader control.
The IDF as a Case Study
In Israel, the integration of women into the IDF exemplifies these tensions, with women now comprising 20.9 percent of combat forces, over one-third of total personnel, and 25 percent of officers. They have access to 92 percent of all military roles, marking a significant divergence from earlier limitations rooted in halachic wisdom.
Among Religious Zionist women, enlistment has surged, with 350 drafted into combat positions following October 7, 2023, and overall unit sizes growing by 20 percent in 2025, demanding scrutiny over whether such roles truly empower or expose.
Still, yeshiva heads describe mixed-gender service as “catastrophic,” citing impacts on operational unity and spiritual observance. The Chief Rabbinate continues to highlight moral concerns, such as fraternizing and impropriety in army environments as can be observed daily at IDF border checkpoints, underscoring the halachic proscription of integration.
Patterns of Erosion
This selective reinterpretation of halacha reveals a deeper asymmetry, where Torah guidelines are adjusted to fit modern contexts rather than the reverse. Some rabbis invoke ideas like communal consent or biblical precedents such as Devorah’s leadership to justify changes, but these are typically seen as exceptions, not rules that override general prohibitions on exposing women to undue harm.
Practical evaluations, including military analyses, often raise doubts about the overall effectiveness of gender integration, pointing to physical and logistical challenges that amplify risks. In contrast, haredi groups uphold strict exemptions, highlighting Modern Orthodoxy’s greater willingness to accept legal and cultural influences from secular society, where non-Jewish ideals overshadow Jewish wisdom and practice.
The path from suffrage, initially resisted but eventually embraced, to current military roles shows how traditional norms can gradually wear away under pressures for equality and inclusion, aligning with larger patterns of societal control that prioritize state and institutional needs over individual or familial well-being.
Addressing Accusations of Misogyny
Critics may label these concerns as misogynistic, resorting to ad hominem attacks to dismiss the discussion outright, such as calling the analysis “disgusting and insulting” or a “vile collection of mistruths and slander.” However, the real misogyny lies in pressuring women into combat roles for which they may be physically or halachically unsuited, exposing them to grave dangers like abduction, rape, and death—as tragically demonstrated on October 7, 2023.
During the Hamas-led attacks that day, numerous women, including civilians and IDF soldiers, suffered brutal sexual violence, with reports detailing patterns of rape, gang-rape, mutilation, and extreme brutality across multiple sites. Such acts continued against hostages taken to Gaza, where they were subjected to sexualized torture and abuse. Among the 1,200 killed, at least 282 were women, with many subjected to willful killings and abductions—251 hostages in total, including female soldiers whose graphic footage showed them bound and terrorized. Pushing for equality in such high-risk environments ignores these vulnerabilities, turning “empowerment” into endangerment—far more harmful than advocating for protective exemption.
Some detractors argue along lines like, “It’s clear that there are more injuries to women in the army as there are more women in the army… If there are no female soldiers, there are no injuries to female soldiers,” turning the problem into an obvious numbers game that avoids asking why putting women there is an issue in the first place. This overlooks qualitative risks, such as biological differences leading to higher injury rates, and dodges the ethical point that exemptions exist to prevent avoidable harm, not to erase problems artificially.
Others might claim the critique implies a “collapse of feminist ideals,” demanding support for equal pay or voting rights and accusing the view of endorsing “vile, disgusting chauvinist policies.” This constructs a straw man, forcing a false dichotomy where disagreement with combat roles means rejecting all females—ignoring that the essay targets specific extensions like frontline service, not foundational rights, and fails to address October 7’s evidence of targeted brutality.
Accusations often pivot to anecdotes, like praising women who “fought and killed terrorists” on October 7 or blaming “men who failed the nation” and “corrupted rabbis” for manpower shortages, turning the discussion into red herrings about heroism or unrelated failures. While individual courage is commendable, it doesn’t negate broader risks or halachic protections; such appeals to emotion and authority evade the inversion of cause and effect, where integration is framed as necessity without proving why women’s endangerment isn’t the true injustice.
Even concessions on evidence, such as admitting that “female IDF combat soldiers suffer higher rates of injuries like fractures which lead to increased recovery time, training dropouts, and resource strain… The solution for this is not to prevent women from serving in these units, rather it emphasizes the need for better conditioning, tailored gear, and dedicated injury-prevention protocols,” beg the question by assuming inclusion must be preserved despite conceded merits of the problems. If higher injuries—up to 23.9 percent stress fractures for women versus 11.2 percent for men in IDF training—are acknowledged, why insist on adaptations that may never fully bridge biological gaps, like lower bone density leading to overuse injuries at 2-3 times male rates? This non sequitur oversimplifies solutions, shifting the burden to “fix” disparities rather than reevaluating the push, especially when halachic exemption avoids such costs and aligns with protecting women from amplified threats like those on October 7.
And to those who favor the bullying tactic of cancelling and de-platforming, which includes requests not to post such analyses in their fora, I ask: Are there really people in Modern Orthodoxy who believe that their own philosophy is so unconvincing, and their attachment to it so weak, their youth so bewildered and gullible – and the outlook of their detractors, on the other hand, so forceful, so logical, and so persuasive – that they must shield their people physically from every confrontation with diverse thought?
Modern Orthodoxy: Evolution or Erosion?
Ultimately, Modern Orthodoxy’s support for women’s IDF combat roles illustrates how contemporary demands can overshadow traditional commitments. By treating halachic boundaries as adaptable to egalitarian and institutional needs—potentially mirroring broader engineered shifts toward societal dependency—the movement risks diminishing the Torah’s timeless authority.
The lingering dilemma remains: When does halachic flexibility descend into feminist folly?

Again – Sones shows us that he simply doesn’t get it and he himself is the misogynist.
Here is where he shows himself wrong again, by claiming: “the real misogyny lies in pressuring women into combat roles for which they may be physically or halachically unsuited, exposing them to grave dangers like abduction, rape, and death—as tragically demonstrated on October 7, 2023”
So let’s show how he discredits himself and his phony arguments:
1) “pressuring women into combat roles” – an outright total lie, which shows he never interviewed even a single combat soldier for his article. The reality is the exact opposite of what he claims, because women in combat units all VOLUNTEER to serve in combat units. Sones also obviously never bothered to interview the parents of female combat soldiers, many of whom I know tried to talk their daughters out of it, only to be told by their daughters that they are committed to Am Yisrael and want to serve. So Sones’ fake argument of “pressure” simply does not exist.
2) “Physically or halachically unsuited”: No doubt Sones can quote all the doctors and rabbis who parrot his women-hating ideology, but there are doctors and rabbis who say there is no such thing. An easy example is the doctor who checked my daughter (a combat officer) at Meuhedet in Mea She’arim told her “kol hakavod” and he was absolutely thrilled with her choice to serve.
3) “exposing them to grave dangers like abduction, rape, and death”: Sones simply ignores the fact that a thousand people were murdered on Oct 7 and it made no difference if you were in or out of uniform, male or female, adult or child. He repeatedly brings up hisfarkachta idea that the Nova massacre is connected to women serving in combat. Hundreds of people at the Nova were brutally murdered, many were raped and abducted, pretty much all of them civilians. That part of the disaster had absolutely nothing to do with women serving in combat.
And he finishes by insulting “Modern Orthodoxy” saying it strays from the Torah.
It makes you want to pick up Sefer Bamidbar and hit him over the head with it.
We are reminded constantly that the fallacious argument that haredi Torah study is supposed to “protect” Israel was proven wrong on Oct 7.
I end by adding that Sones has every right to publish his theories, no matter how wrong they are.
Mordechai Sones, you are doing an awesome job with this topic, including your post https://jewishhome.news/the-cost-of-delusion-october-7th-and-israels-feminist-folly/.
Every single Gadol (including the extremely idealistic Rav Kook, as you mentioned) from every group, whether Litvish, Sephardi, and Chassidish, came out uncompromisingly against any kind of female military service. That means something.
Studies and talking to actual combat soldiers reveal the many problems existing with placing females in combat units, especially against the will of the male soldiers. There is no way a 20-year-female can equal the same fitness, endurance, and strength as a 20-year-old male prepped for combat. (That’s why they have separate male and female competitions for all categories – except couples ice skating – in the Olympics.) Doctors, rabbis, and military officers who chose to ignore all this are not behaving responsibly.
Efrat Lupo of the organization Chotam for kedushat hamacheneh has clearly and very sweetly detailed the problems with female combat service. She also discovered the push for women into combat has been systematically instituted from above. Meaning, the army willfully does this, despite all the halachic, physical, practical, and morale problems it causes.
Tat-Aluf (Brigadier-General) Erez Viener of the reserves stated outright that the extreme Leftist New Israel Fund actively seeks to promote anti-Torah ideologies and manipulate women into influential positions and combat positions to WEAKEN the spirit, nationhood, and patriotism in the army – to basically weaken the IDF. The NIF provides money and benefits for doing their will, initially approaching the soldiers (especially the females) in a deceptively friendly and caring manner – also offering courses, which the NIF uses to inculcate their harmful ideology.
Here’s a direct quote from General Viener’s interview by Oded Harush regarding the NIF:
“Among other goals, they want to infiltrate the army with ‘progress’ – lectures, lecturers, feminist agendas…it’s not that they care about feminism or whatever. They understand that via this issue of feminism – the introduction of women into combat positions and the like – you weaken the spirit, you weaken what they label as ‘nationalism’.”
Frankly, I feel growing concern at seeing softly pudgy or stick-figure young women with extremely long unrestrained hair (despite regulations insisting on ponytails) and mascara and long manicured nails standing guard at checkpoints which have already been targeted several times by terrorists and are considered high-risk checkpoints. In a life-and-death attack, that hair is going to blind them (unless they intend to shoot a rifle with one hand while holding all that hair back with the other or say, “Wait a sec, I just need to tuck this into a quick ponytail”), those nails are going to prevent the dexterity necessary for shooting and any other essential fine-motor movements, plus dust and debris sticks uncomfortably to mascara (I found this out on a jeep ride in the North…), and there’s no way these pudgy or stick-arm girls are going to be able to hold that heavy unwieldly M-16 or M-4 in position for as long as sometimes necessary (unless they’re counting on the adrenalin rush to empower them).
(Note: I have no problem with different female body types. But I don’t want out-of-shape or boney-with-no-muscle girls holding very heavy unwieldly machine guns against crazed terrorists. That just seems like a recipe for failure, both for them and for us. I’ve shot an M-16 before, so I know what I’m talking about.)
Yes, they represent a minority of the females guarding the checkpoints, but that kind of thing should not be happening at all. Terror attacks are not a joke and many young female guards have already been murdered at these checkpoints. (Their gender is not always immediately obvious in the news because so many Israelis give their daughters masculine names like Noam, Lior, Yuval, Daniel, etc.)
Yes, the girls who go into combat positions are often utterly sincere and truly believe they’re there to make a positive difference. (Regarding the ones in full makeup, glamour manicures, and obviously after badly done plastic surgery: They’re unfortunately also buying into the Charlie’s Angels archetype.) They honestly don’t realize they’re being used by extremely wealthy Leftists to davka weaken Israel’s military.
Thanks again, Mordechai Sones. I’m sure Hashem is extremely pleased with you for having the guts to go according to His Will and to go against the current regarding this vital issue.
P.S. If it matters for the context of what I wrote here, I’m female. And I’ve read nearly every post on your site and have yet to come across one whiff of misogyny or woman-hatred. Hatzlacha rabbah.